What happened when the UN went into the Congo?

Learn more about the role of the ONUC and understand its contributions to conflict management during the Congo Crisis [Video by the United Nations].

Hammarskjöld’s gauntlet: Introducing the ONUC
Barely two weeks after gaining independence, the Congo was beset by political infighting within the central government (based on Leopoldville), ethnic divisions and nation-wide unrest. The Leopoldville government turned to the United Nations (UN) for assistance on 12 July 1960 to restore order and protect civilians.

The UN Secretary-General (UNSC) Dag Hammarskjöld’s invoked Article 99 of the UN Charter for the first time, convening an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Subsequently, UNSC Resolution (UNSCR) 143 was adopted, calling upon Belgium to withdraw its forces from Congo and authorising the formation of the UN Operation in the Congo (ONUC).

The UN Operation in the Congo (ONUC) was initially sent under the authority of the Security Council at the request of the government of the Congo in July 1960, to provide assistance to that government until the Congolese security forces could fulfil their tasks following the breakdown of order on Belgian decolonisation.

By the time ONUC arrived it was in a precarious position, with fighting continuing in the Congo, rival governments being established, and attempted secession of the Katanga region of the country with the active assistance of Belgian troops and mercenaries.

An excerpt taken from “Keeping the Peace: The United Nations and the Maintenance of International Peace and Security
by Nigel D. White (1993).

Volatile and uncertain: Lumumba’s death and its implications on the UN
However, the ONUC was faced with a volatile situation in the Congo. Unlike the straightforward peacekeeping (i.e. United Nations Emergency Force, UNEF I) undertaking in response to the Suez Canal Crisis in 1956, the ONUC was ill-equipped to prevent the collapse of a newly-independent Congo.

In August 1960, South Kasai declared its autonomy from the central government, intensifying the civil unrest. Furthermore, the political infighting within the central government resulted in a constitutional crisis that concluded with a coup by General Mobutu and the downfall of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba.

In essence, the Prime Minister’s demise was linked to the UN’s mismanagement, thereby alienating the pro-Soviet and Afro-Asian blocs. The ONUC was implicated by this intra-UN disunity, seen in terms of the withdrawal of national contingents from the UN operation by Third World member nations like Morocco and Sudan.

Renewed UN mandates for the ONUC: 161 and 169
Nonetheless, there was renewed vigor within the UN as UNSC 161 was adopted in February 1961, authorising the ONUC to use force “if necessary, in the last resort” to prevent the outbreak of a civil war.

Between August and September 1961, the ONUC launched two operations – “Rum Punch” and “Morthor” – that targeted the Katanga province. Yet, these operations were hampered by hostile Katangese forces. During the Siege of Jadotville, 155 Irish UN troops were attacked by Tshombe’s forces, such that Operation Morthor concluded with the death of 13 UN troops and 200 Katangese civilians and troops.

The UNSC went further by expanding the ONUC’s mandate in November 1961, as seen by UNSCR 169 to authorise the use of peace enforcement to maintain the territorial integrity and political independence of the Congo. More importantly, the ONUC was empowered to assist the Leopoldville government to secure the “immediate withdrawal and evaluation from the Congo of all foreign military” and mercenaries.


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Why did Katanga secede from the Congo?

Learn more about the significance of the secession by Katanga that shaped the Congo Crisis [Video by Prof James Ker-Lindsay].

Historical context: The secession
On 11 July 1960, the leader of Confédération des associations tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) Moïse Tshombe proclaimed the secession of Katanga, threatening the territorial integrity of a newly-independent Congo.

This southernmost province of the Congo was declared the “State of Katanga” with Élisabethville as its capital. The secession became a part of the ongoing Congo Crisis (1960-1965).

An economically-valuable Katanga: Economic motivations of CONAKAT & UMHK
From the economic standpoint, the secession was motivated by Tshombe’s desire to retain control of Katanga’s vast resources, limiting its diversion to the central government.

In 1960, Katanga was estimated to hold 10% of the world’s copper reserves and 34% of its cobalt reserves. However, Katanga had to contribute to 50% of Congo’s national budget and 25% of the country’s foreign exchange earnings.

Further complications exacerbated the “Katanga” problem for the central government as the Belgian company Union Minière du Haut-Katanga (UMHK) financed Tshombe’s secession. About 1,250 million Belgian frans were given to Tshombe’s government in 1960, enabling the CONAKAT to hire foreign mercenaries and buy advanced weaponry to defend the province against the central government.

The UMHK feared that Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba pursued radical policies to nationalise Katanga’s resources, which included 75% of the Congo’s total mining production. Katanga itself produced almost 30% of the entire Belgian Congo’s revenue from copper sales.

As such, the UMHK functioned as a “state within a state“, exercising quasi-governmental powers by supporting the secession of Katanga.

Katanga was generally regarded as a “company province”. Moreover, YMKH influenced the Congolese political parties of the late 1950s. The white community (which in Katanga meant Union Minière) dominated Tshombe’s CONAKAT Party. […] The Belgians thus created the political basis of the Katangese secession.

Extracted from “The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money, and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crisis
by David N. Gibbs (1991)

Notably, the Belgian government never officially recognised Tshombe’s regime. In the public sphere, Belgium opposed the secession.

CONAKAT’s aim: “Katanga for Katangans”
Besides, CONAKAT strove to create an “authentic” Katangan identity, primarily representing the Lunda and other southern tribes (Yeke and Bemba). This group viewed themselves as the rightful owners of the land and its mineral wealth.

In contrast, the “strangers” in Katanga were mainly the ethnic Luba people from the neighbouring Kasai province. They have been resettled by the Belgian colonial administration and UMHK for decades because the Belgians viewed them as the more “hardworking” workers.

In essence, Lumumba’s Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT) opposed Tshombe’s CONAKAT as both parties strived to control the Congolese territories and safeguard the interests of specific tribes. Hence, the secession was also a product of domestic politics.

Who were considered the authentic Katangese? According to Sauvy, cited by Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo: ‘Authentic Katangese are natives of Katanga or inhabitants who have been settled in Katanga territory for at least two generations. These groups that are often considered to be Katangese are Lunda, Baluba of Katanga, Bayeke, Basanga, Tshokwe, Batabwa and Babenda.’

Extracted from “Self-Determination and Secession in Africa: The Post-Colonial State” by Redie Bereketeab.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Congo Crisis under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

We have other JC tuition classes, such as JC General Paper Tuition. For Secondary Tuition, we provide Secondary English Tuition, Secondary Math tuition, Secondary Chemistry Tuition, Social Studies Tuition, Geography, History Tuition and Secondary Economics Tuition. For Primary Tuition, we have Primary English, Math and Science Tuition. Call 8929 2422 to find out more.