Examine the role of the ONUC as part of the UN's peacekeeping efforts to manage the Congo Crisis in the early 1960s.

What happened when the UN went into the Congo?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: Conflict and Cooperation (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme III Chapter 4: Intra-State Conflicts [Congo Crisis, 1960-1965]

Learn more about the role of the ONUC and understand its contributions to conflict management during the Congo Crisis [Video by the United Nations].

Hammarskjöld’s gauntlet: Introducing the ONUC
Barely two weeks after gaining independence, the Congo was beset by political infighting within the central government (based on Leopoldville), ethnic divisions and nation-wide unrest. The Leopoldville government turned to the United Nations (UN) for assistance on 12 July 1960 to restore order and protect civilians.

The UN Secretary-General (UNSC) Dag Hammarskjöld’s invoked Article 99 of the UN Charter for the first time, convening an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Subsequently, UNSC Resolution (UNSCR) 143 was adopted, calling upon Belgium to withdraw its forces from Congo and authorising the formation of the UN Operation in the Congo (ONUC).

The UN Operation in the Congo (ONUC) was initially sent under the authority of the Security Council at the request of the government of the Congo in July 1960, to provide assistance to that government until the Congolese security forces could fulfil their tasks following the breakdown of order on Belgian decolonisation.

By the time ONUC arrived it was in a precarious position, with fighting continuing in the Congo, rival governments being established, and attempted secession of the Katanga region of the country with the active assistance of Belgian troops and mercenaries.

An excerpt taken from “Keeping the Peace: The United Nations and the Maintenance of International Peace and Security”
by Nigel D. White (1993).

Volatile and uncertain: Lumumba’s death and its implications on the UN
However, the ONUC was faced with a volatile situation in the Congo. Unlike the straightforward peacekeeping (i.e. United Nations Emergency Force, UNEF I) undertaking in response to the Suez Canal Crisis in 1956, the ONUC was ill-equipped to prevent the collapse of a newly-independent Congo.

In August 1960, South Kasai declared its autonomy from the central government, intensifying the civil unrest. Furthermore, the political infighting within the central government resulted in a constitutional crisis that concluded with a coup by General Mobutu and the downfall of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba.

In essence, the Prime Minister’s demise was linked to the UN’s mismanagement, thereby alienating the pro-Soviet and Afro-Asian blocs. The ONUC was implicated by this intra-UN disunity, seen in terms of the withdrawal of national contingents from the UN operation by Third World member nations like Morocco and Sudan.

Renewed UN mandates for the ONUC: 161 and 169
Nonetheless, there was renewed vigor within the UN as UNSC 161 was adopted in February 1961, authorising the ONUC to use force “if necessary, in the last resort” to prevent the outbreak of a civil war.

Between August and September 1961, the ONUC launched two operations – “Rum Punch” and “Morthor” – that targeted the Katanga province. Yet, these operations were hampered by hostile Katangese forces. During the Siege of Jadotville, 155 Irish UN troops were attacked by Tshombe’s forces, such that Operation Morthor concluded with the death of 13 UN troops and 200 Katangese civilians and troops.

The UNSC went further by expanding the ONUC’s mandate in November 1961, as seen by UNSCR 169 to authorise the use of peace enforcement to maintain the territorial integrity and political independence of the Congo. More importantly, the ONUC was empowered to assist the Leopoldville government to secure the “immediate withdrawal and evaluation from the Congo of all foreign military” and mercenaries.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Congo Crisis under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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Why did Katanga secede from the Congo - JC History Tuition - Congo Crisis Notes

Why did Katanga secede from the Congo?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: Conflict and Cooperation (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme III Chapter 4: Intra-State Conflicts [Congo Crisis, 1960-1965]

Learn more about the significance of the secession by Katanga that shaped the Congo Crisis [Video by Prof James Ker-Lindsay].

Historical context: The secession
On 11 July 1960, the leader of Confédération des associations tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT) Moïse Tshombe proclaimed the secession of Katanga, threatening the territorial integrity of a newly-independent Congo.

This southernmost province of the Congo was declared the “State of Katanga” with Élisabethville as its capital. The secession became a part of the ongoing Congo Crisis (1960-1965).

An economically-valuable Katanga: Economic motivations of CONAKAT & UMHK
From the economic standpoint, the secession was motivated by Tshombe’s desire to retain control of Katanga’s vast resources, limiting its diversion to the central government.

In 1960, Katanga was estimated to hold 10% of the world’s copper reserves and 34% of its cobalt reserves. However, Katanga had to contribute to 50% of Congo’s national budget and 25% of the country’s foreign exchange earnings.

Further complications exacerbated the “Katanga” problem for the central government as the Belgian company Union Minière du Haut-Katanga (UMHK) financed Tshombe’s secession. About 1,250 million Belgian frans were given to Tshombe’s government in 1960, enabling the CONAKAT to hire foreign mercenaries and buy advanced weaponry to defend the province against the central government.

The UMHK feared that Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba pursued radical policies to nationalise Katanga’s resources, which included 75% of the Congo’s total mining production. Katanga itself produced almost 30% of the entire Belgian Congo’s revenue from copper sales.

As such, the UMHK functioned as a “state within a state“, exercising quasi-governmental powers by supporting the secession of Katanga.

Katanga was generally regarded as a “company province”. Moreover, YMKH influenced the Congolese political parties of the late 1950s. The white community (which in Katanga meant Union Minière) dominated Tshombe’s CONAKAT Party. […] The Belgians thus created the political basis of the Katangese secession.

Extracted from “The Political Economy of Third World Intervention: Mines, Money, and U.S. Policy in the Congo Crisis”
by David N. Gibbs (1991)

Notably, the Belgian government never officially recognised Tshombe’s regime. In the public sphere, Belgium opposed the secession.

CONAKAT’s aim: “Katanga for Katangans”
Besides, CONAKAT strove to create an “authentic” Katangan identity, primarily representing the Lunda and other southern tribes (Yeke and Bemba). This group viewed themselves as the rightful owners of the land and its mineral wealth.

In contrast, the “strangers” in Katanga were mainly the ethnic Luba people from the neighbouring Kasai province. They have been resettled by the Belgian colonial administration and UMHK for decades because the Belgians viewed them as the more “hardworking” workers.

In essence, Lumumba’s Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT) opposed Tshombe’s CONAKAT as both parties strived to control the Congolese territories and safeguard the interests of specific tribes. Hence, the secession was also a product of domestic politics.

Who were considered the authentic Katangese? According to Sauvy, cited by Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo: ‘Authentic Katangese are natives of Katanga or inhabitants who have been settled in Katanga territory for at least two generations. These groups that are often considered to be Katangese are Lunda, Baluba of Katanga, Bayeke, Basanga, Tshokwe, Batabwa and Babenda.’

Extracted from “Self-Determination and Secession in Africa: The Post-Colonial State” by Redie Bereketeab.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Congo Crisis under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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Learn more about the mutiny in Force Publique as well as the two secessionist movements in Katanga and South Kasai. Join our JC History Tuition to explore case studies like the Congo Crisis to ace the GCE A Level History examinations.

Why did the Congo crisis happen?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: Conflict and Cooperation (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme III Chapter 4: Intra-State Conflicts [Congo Crisis, 1960-1965]

Watch this illustrative video to grasp the historical significance of the Congo Crisis [Video by History House Productions]

Historical context: The decolonisation of Congo and the Mutiny
On 30 June 1960, Congo was no longer under the control of the former Belgian colonial power, achieving independence on this historic day. Less than a week later, Congolese forces in Force Publique mutinied against their Belgian commanders. The mutiny began in Thysville military base before spreading to the rest of the Congo Republic.

The mutineers made three demands: The removal of the Belgian commander in chief General Emil Janssens, the replacement of all Belgian officers by Congolese and raise in pay and rank.

Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba tried to end the mutiny but to no avail. He conducted a large-scale promotion, advancing every Congolese soldier by one grade.

The racial stratification that marked the pre-independence Congo clearly applied to the Force Publique. Whites controlled and composed the officer corps. The highest rank to which Africans could aspire was that of sergeant-major.

The Belgians, similar to other governing alien minorities, believed their rule best protected by compliant troops schooled in instant obedience, and by culturally homogenous commissioned officers sharing in full the assumptions and views of the dominant group. […]

The precipitating incident was General Emile Janssens’ proclamation to restive troops, “Before Independence = After Independence.”

An excerpt taken from the “Anatomy of Rebellion” by Claude E. Welch Jr. (1980).

Over time, violence spread to other parts of the Congo, prompting the departure of the Europeans. In response, the Belgian government deployed its troops to restore order and safeguard the well-being of its Belgian citizens. However, this move antagonised the Congolese central government as its leaders were not being consulted with.

Lumumba sent a plea to the United Nations in hopes of receiving operational support to pressure Belgium to withdraw its forces from the Congo.

On 14 July 1960, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 143, authorising the creation of a peacekeeping force known as Organisations des Nations Unies au Congo (ONUC, or UN Mission in the Congo).

The secession of Katanga
In addition to the problem of Belgian presence in the Congo, the nation had to contend with another serious issue: the secession of Katanga and South Kasai. On 11 July 1960, Kantaga declared its independence from the Congo Republic. A month later, the South Kasai province followed suit (9 August 1960).

Examine the illustrative map of the Congo Republic during the Congo Crisis in 1960-1963.
Map of the Congo Republic during the Congo Crisis in 1960-1963, featuring the provincial states of Katanga and South Kasai that launched secessionist movements [Map by Quickworld Inc.].

The Katanga province was known for its mineral-rich status, featuring minerals like copper, cobalt and uranium. The Belgian mining company Union Minière du Haut-Katanga (UMHK) conducted its mining operations in Katanga, enjoying an annual turnover of about $200 million in USD in 1960.

Even before independence, Katanga experienced growing separatist tendencies. The mutiny incident become a trigger to reverse the opposing stance by the Europeans that saw secession of Katanga as an opportunity to protect Belgian investment.

The province’s president, Moïse Tshombe, sought help from Belgium and other Western states to oppose the spread of communism in central Africa. Also, Belgian troops deployed in Katanga helped to maintain order within the province.

With independence, the Europeans in Elisabethville saw a chance to stem the tide of African independence and supported the secessionist government of Moïse Tshombe. Belgium as well would lend Tshombe’s rebel government unofficial support, as Katanga continued its mission of remaining separate from Congo-Léopoldville.

The Belgians would secretly fund the mercenary army that gave ONUC a run for their money; the possibility of losing control of UMHK and the numerous lucrative mines scattered across the province was an unattractive option for European interests in Katanga.

An excerpt taken from “Congo” by Sean Rorison (2008).

The secession of South Kasai
Between 1960 and 1962, the leader of the MNC-K party Albert Kalonji fought to secede South Kasai from the Republic of the Congo. Like Katanga, South Kasai received assistance from Belgium.

More importantly, the secession in South Kasai was influenced by the ethnic tensions between the Baluba community (represented by Kalonji’s MNC-K) and the Bena Lulua.

In this phase, Kalonji became President of the South Kasai province and Joseph Ngalula assumed the role of Prime Minister. Kalonji’s rule was bolstered by the Luba chiefs. He established a strong narrative that the secession was justified because of ethnic persecution and the inability of the Congolese central government to safeguard the interests of the Baluba people.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Congo Crisis under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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Learn more about the military blockade of the Bosnian capital by Serb forces during the Bosnian War. Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about intra-state conflicts for H2 History A Level examination.

What Happened in the Siege of Sarajevo?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: Conflict and Cooperation (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme III Chapter 4: Intra-State Conflicts [Bosnian War, 1992-1995]

Examine the historical significance of the siege to understand its implications on the Bosnian War. [Video by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty]

Historical context: The Liberalisation of BiH
In February 1992, a ‘Referendum Weekend’ was scheduled as a requirement to recognise the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). While the Bosniaks and Croats supported the referendum, the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) – led by Radovan Karadžić – boycotted said referendum. The SDS rallied the Bosnian Serbs to support its stance.

The SDS was against the referendum because it feared that independence of BiH would turn the Bosnian Serbs into a minority, violating their interests to remain part of Yugoslavia.

Of the three (communities), Bosniacs were the strongest proponents of a sovereign unitary state. While open to Bosnian sovereignty, Croats preferred cantonization. For their part, Serbs preferred for BiH to remain within the FRY; their second-best option revolved around the right of Serb areas to seek secession and rejoin the FRY. Not only did the three communities broadly disagree, Serbs considered the birth of independent BiH illegal because of the fact that the referendum on independence had gone ahead in spite of the boycott of one of the constituent people.

An excerpt taken from “When the Total is less than the Sum of the Parts: The Lessons of Bosnia and Herzegovina” by Marie-Joëlle Zaha.

Eventually, BiH declared independence from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) on 1 March 1992. On that same day, a shooting incident occurred.

The Baščaršija shooting incident
During a Bosnian Serb wedding procession in the Baščaršija district of Sarajevo, a Bosnian paramilitary member, Ramiz Delalic, killed the groom’s father and wounded an Orthodox priest. The attack sparked tensions over the display of Serbian national symbols during the wedding.

The Bosnian Serb community was outraged by the shooting, viewing the attack as a deliberate act of ethnic violence, giving rise to mobilisation and the setting up of barricades across Sarajevo. This incident highlighted the emergence of inter-ethnic violence.

According to a report by the CSCE, the blockade of the city ‘turned from spontaneous protests provoked by the wedding incident to an SDS-controlled effort’. Thus the barricades appeared not simply to ‘protect Serbs’ in the wake of the Baščaršija shooting but to demonstrate that the SDS would not accept lightly a declaration of independence in the event of a ‘yes’ vote.

An excerpt taken from “Reporting the Siege of Sarajevo” by Kenneth Morrison and Paul Lowe (2021).

The Siege
Bosnian Serb forces seized the capital city of Sarajevo, starting a four year-long brutal campaign that terrorised the citizens within. Sarajevo was under siege on 5 April 1992, trapping inside the city.

From May 1992 onwards, Serb forces attacked civilian areas of the city, resorting to shelling and sniping to wreck havoc on the population. Consequently, casualties mount. Between 1992 and 1995, more than 13,000 people had died, including 5,000 civilians. Much of the infrastructure in Sarajevo was damaged or destroyed, including religious buildings.

In early 1993, the Serb forces attacked the Cerska area in eastern BiH, forcing thousands of Bosniaks to flee to UN-declared ‘Safe Areas’.

A survival map provided by FAMA International that documented the Siege of Sarajevo and the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
A survival map provided by FAMA International that documented the Siege of Sarajevo and the disintegration of Yugoslavia [From David Rumsey Historical Map Collection]

Markale Market massacres
On 5 February 1994, the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) fired a 120mm mortal shell into the Markale marketplace in Sarajevo, killing 68 people and injuring almost 200. On the same day, the Bosnian Serb leadership blamed ‘authorities in Sarajevo’ of planting explosives to influence the international community to blame the Serbs for the atrocities. A UNPROFOR report revealed that about 40 projectiles were fired from Serbian positions around Sarajevo on that day.

On 28 August 1995, five mortar shells hit the Markele market, killing 43 and injuring at least 70. A 1999 report to the UN concluded that the VRS was responsible for the second attack as well.

Conclusion
In December 1995, the Dayton Agreement was signed, ending the Bosnian War. On 29 February 1996, the Bosnian government declared the end of the siege.

A map that illustrates the front lies around Sarajevo, highlighting areas controlled by the United Nations as well as the Serbs. [Map by BBC]

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Bosnian War under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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Learn more about the oil crises of the 1970s that stunted the growth of the global economy. Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the global economy and other essay writing topics to ace the GCE A Level H2 History examination.Pixabay

Why did the oil crisis happen?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History Students, 9174]: 
Paper 1: The Development of the Global Economy (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme II Chapter 1: Challenges in the Global Economy

The first oil shock of 1973
During the Yom Kippur War, Arab members of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) imposed an oil embargo to protest nations that backed Israel, particularly the United States (USA). This was in response to the US government’s attempt to resupply the Israeli military (see ‘Operation Nickel Grass‘).

The embargo banned petroleum exports to the affected nations, destabilising the pricing system and straining oil-reliant economies. As a result of OPEC’s decision, crude oil price rose from $3 per barrel to $12 per barrel by 1974.

Crude oil prices provided by The Economist
Real crude oil prices between the 1800s and early 2020s.
Source: The Economist

In addition, the first oil shock coincided with the disastrous collapse of the Bretton Woods System, which saw the end of a gold-dollar fixed exchange rate system. The devaluation of the US dollar further exacerbated the adverse impacts of the energy crisis, plunging the USA and other Western industrialised nations into a recession.

The major oil firms, as well as their home governments, were not merely unprepared for the oil shock. They had become so accustomed to business as usual that they disregarded warning signs that the world was about to change, or change a lot faster than they realised. […] The combined effects of the embargo, oil price increases and the collapse of the concession system abruptly ended the post-World War II petroleum order.

Extracted from “Oil Shock: The 1973 Crisis and its Economic Legacy” (2016) by Elisabetta Bini, Federico Romero and Giuliano Garavini.

The second oil shock of 1979
The 1978 Iranian Revolution concluded with the end of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s rule, ushering the rise of Ayatollah Khomeini’s Islamic Republic. As a result of said revolution, Iranian oil production fell by 4.8 million barrels per day, which occupied 7 percent of the global oil production by January 1979.

The political turmoil in Iran triggered widespread panic as oil-reliant nations began to hoard oil. The second oil crisis saw a surge of the price of global West Texas Intermediate (WTI) [benchmark for global oil price] from US$15 per barrel in September 1978 to US$40 per barrel in April 1980.

Fluctuations in global growth and inflation rates as a result of the twin oil shocks of the 1970s.
Source: Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS)

The 1979 oil crisis had a profound impact on the global economy. It amplified the already existing inflationary pressures, a carryover from the monetary policies and commodity price shocks of the early to mid-1970s. The rising cost of energy rippled through the economy, increasing the price of everything from transportation and manufacturing to food production and heading. This led to stagflation – a combination of high inflation and slow economic growth – which plagued many Western economies during this period.

Extracted from “Inflation Surge Explained” by Gideon Fairchild (2025).

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JC History Tuition Singapore - Why did Japan develop so quickly - Japan Economic Miracle

Why did Japan develop so quickly?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: The Development of the Global Economy (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme II Chapter 2: Transformation of East Asian Economies (Japan, 1947-1991)

Johnson’s developmental state
In his study of Japan’s industrial policy, the American political scientist Chalmers Johnson explained that the state played a central role to conduct of inudstrialisation policies to achieve economic goals.

Between 1952 and 1971, Japan’s real Gross National Product (GNP) grew at an average rate of 9.6 percent per year, indicating a remarkable phase of rapid expansion.

According to Johnson, in Japan (and by extension in other East Asian developmental states) the role of the state conforms neither to the liberal Anglo-American tradition, under which the legitimate functions of governments are in theory restricted to administering and policing the overall legal framework within which individuals freely compete with one another, nor to the ideologically-based practice of planned socialist economies, in which state ownership and management of the means of production are seen as desirable ends in themselves. […]

In the wake of the neo-classical’ revival in economics, the policy prescriptions of the development establishment through the 1980s continued to encourage developing-country governments to withdraw from direct interference with market forces in their economies and to concentrate on ‘getting the basics right’ at the macroeconomic and infrastructural levels.

An excerpt taken from “Japanese Economic Development: Theory and Practice” by Penelope Francks.

Causes of the economic transformation of Japan
According to a study by Brookings Institution, there were four key factors identified as the cause of Japan’s phenomenal growth:

  • Capital accumulation
  • Knowledge advancement
  • Economies of scale
  • Labour supply expansion

In the case of capital accumulation, substantial investment was made that boosted Japan’s GNP. Gross private rose steadily from about 17 percent of GNP in the early 1950s to about 30 percent of GNP by the early 1970s. This private investment was financed by the high savings rate. Unlike the USA, in which private saving was a mere 15 percent of GNP in the 1960s, Japan’s savings rate was almost twice that of the USA.

In addition, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) was established to oversee the industrial development of Japan. It replaced the role of its predecessor, the Ministry of Commerce, to involve past leading administrators to harness their knowledge and expertise to achieve growth targets.

Among industrial countries, Japan’s saving rate is unusually high and this has facilitated exceptionally large investment rates during the period of rapid economic growth as well as large current account surpluses.

[…] According to MITI’s inaugural minister, Inagaki Heitaro, its chief objective was to transform Japan into a leading world exporter. To accomplish this, it was first necessary to attain a substantial increase in industrial output, the rationalization of enterprise and an upgrading of technical standards.

An excerpt taken from “The Japanese Economy” by Victor Argy and Leslie Stein.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of Japan and China under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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Why did the Ten Day War Happen - Bosnian War Notes - Intrastate Conflicts - JC History Tuition Singapore

Why did the Ten Day War Happen?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: Conflict and Cooperation (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme III Chapter 4: Intra-State Conflicts [Bosnian War, 1992-1995]

Historical context: Slovenian Independence
In the wake of Josip Broz Tito‘s death on 4 May 1980 as well as the decline of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, the political stability of Yugoslavia was at risk. In addition, the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and its provisions posed a strong impetus for the decentralisation of power to the republics.

As the former satellites under communist rule in Eastern Europe fell apart, Yugoslavia was increasingly influenced by democratic forces. On 8 April 1990, Slovenia held its first multiparty elections since World War Two. The Democratic Opposition of Slovenia (DEMOS) won the majority, forming the government of Slovenia.

On 25 June 1991, Slovenia declared independence from Yugoslavia, triggering the start of the Ten-Day War.

In the 1980s, Slovenians demanded the same things Americans asked for in the 1770s: free speech, right to assembly, democracy, and more control over the taxing and spending. They made two mistakes on their way to independence. First, in November 1989, Slovenia prohibited Serbs and Montenegrins from coming to Ljubljana to protest against Slovenia’s constitutional changes. This hypocritically contradicted their demand for free speech and free assembly. […]

Their second mistake was firing a gun. In 1991, Slovenia’s declaration of independence led to a ten-day civil war with Yugoslavia. […] Here’s the Ten-Day War summary: you’re carrying a grenade launcher and you’re fighting a seven-year-old Slovenian boy with a water pistol: “Bang! Bang! You’re dead!” the boy screams. You fall to the ground, pretending to be dead, and the boy declares victory.

An excerpt taken from “The Hidden Europe: What Eastern Europeans Can Teach Us” by Francis Tapon.

The military confrontation and the eventual cessation of hostilities
The Yugoslav government rejected Slovenia’s unilateral declaration of independence as seen by its deployment of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) a day later. The JNA surrounded Slovenia, cutting the latter from the outside world. In retaliation, the Slovenian police and Territorial Defense set up barricades by using large transport vehicles. Yet, such efforts were futile as the JNA drove armoured vehicles.

Fortunately, the conflict came to an end with the signing of the Brioni Agreement on 7 July 1991. The European Community (EC) oversaw the peace process that involved representatives of Slovenia, Yugoslavia and Croatia.

Notably, the Agreement called for a ceasefire and the withdrawal of JNA forces from Slovenia. Negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia were to commence on 1 August 1991 and that the Yugoslav people were to determine their future.

The Brioni Agreement was significant in that it guaranteed the continued engagement of the EC in the Yugoslav situation through the legal establishment of the European Community Monitor Mission (ECMM). Furthermore, although it effectively suspended Slovenia’s bid for independence for three months, the Brioni Agreement paved the way for Slovenia’s full independence from Yugoslavia by extending a set of EC-issued prerequisites. After the Brioni Agreement was signed, the JNA withdrew its forces from Slovenia but repositioned them in Croatia, where violence continued until 1995.

An excerpt taken from “War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia” by Richard C. Hall.

A short-lived peace in Croatia and the Start of the Bosnian War
Even after the Brioni Agreement was signed, the international community’s efforts to forestall a Yugoslav war were inadequate. For instance, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 713 on 25 September 1991 was to impose an arms embargo on all former Yugoslav territories. Yet, the Serb forces used the military equipment of the JNA and the Croat and Bosniak forces gathered their military supplies via Croatia.

In late September 1991, the JNA advanced its forces into the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Mostar, drawing strong protests by the local government. In response, the Bosniaks and Croats clashed with the JNA. By then, the Bosnian War had begun.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Bosnian War under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What was the reason for the Sino-Soviet split - Sino-Soviet Relations Notes 2

What was the reason for the Sino-Soviet split?

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Topic of Study [For H1 History Students]:
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme II: Cold War in Asia [1945-1991] – China and the Cold War (1950-1991): Sino-Soviet relations

Examine the causes of the Sino-Soviet split in the 1950s and 1960s [Video by The Cold War].

An ideological split: Khrushchev’s ‘Secret Speech’
The Sino-Soviet split was recognised by historians as one of the most significant events of the Cold War. It meant the ‘shattering of socialist solidarity‘. This ‘Split’ could be traced to the controversial speech made by the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev during the 20th Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) Party Congress on 24-25 February 1956.

Unlike Mao Zedong, who revered the late Stalin (who died three years earlier) as a leading advocate of Communism, Khrushchev denounced Stalinism. He criticised the personality cult, show trials and purges that terrorised the people. As such, Mao perceived Khrushchev’s scathing characterisation of Stalin’s rule as a direct attack on his ideological beliefs.

Some people consider that Stalin was wrong in everything. This is a grave misconception. Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist, yet at the same time a Marxist-Leninist who committed several gross errors without realizing that they were errors. We should view Stalin from a historical standpoint, make a proper and all round analysis to see where he was right and where he was wrong and draw useful lessons therefrom. Both the things he did right and the things he did wrong were phenomena of the international communist movement and bore the imprint of the times.

An excerpt taken from a newspaper article titled ‘Stalin’s Place in History‘ in the People’s Daily editorial, 5 April 1956.

Evidently, Mao’s opposition to the Soviet leader’s denunciation of Stalin was clearly expressed in the above newspaper article published two months after the ‘Secret Speech’.

Nonetheless, Sino-Soviet cooperation still existed at this stage, given that Mao and Stalin signed the Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance in February 1950. Both parties agreed to render military aid should either be attacked. In addition, the Soviet Union sent numerous scientists, students and technicians to work in China, facilitating industrialisation.

Mao’s rejection of Khrushchev’s ‘Peaceful Coexistence’
In the ‘Secret Speech’, Khrushchev also called for a ‘Peaceful Coexistence’ with the West, claiming that the Communist bloc was not ‘destined’ to clash with Capitalism through violent revolution as claimed by Stalin in his ‘Bolshoi speech’ in February 1946.

While Khrushchev pledged to do all possible to avoid a Third World War, Mao’s camp proclaimed that war with the ‘imperialists’ was inevitable – any other view betrayed the revolution.

Throughout 1958, Mao deliberately manufactured global quarrels in a way that was explicitly designed to challenge ‘peaceful coexistence’ and to style himself the world supremo of revolutionary troublemaking. That year, the Central Committee enshrined Mao’s slogan of ‘continuous revolution’ – a term designed to distinguish Mao’s own tireless revolution from its stalled Soviet counterpart.

An excerpt taken from “Maoism: A Global History” by Julia Lovell.

In the late 1950s, Mao made clear intentions to antaognise both the Soviet Union and the United states.

In July 1958, Khrushchev made a visit to China over Mao’s disagreements over a proposed joint submarine fleet. The ‘petty’ Mao went through great lengths to ensure that his Soviet guest was uncomfortable throughout his visit. For instance, he made Khrushchev stay in a mosquito-infested guest house without air conditioning.

In August 1958, Mao renewed tensions with the West by authorising the bombardment of Jinmen, which was part of the Republic of China (ROC). This gave rise to the second Taiwan Straits Crisis. In retaliation, US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles threatened to deploy nuclear weapons.

Mao had serious doubts about the Soviet Union’s diplomatic line, with its emphasis on relaxing relations with the United States in order to improve the consumer economy and raise the standard of living. […] The Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1958 exemplified the major Sino-Soviet differences in foreign policies, and Khrushchev felt Mao’s divergence was intolerable and he was determined to show Mao who was boss.

An excerpt taken from “Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959: A New History” by Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Cold War. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What are Special Economic Zones of China - Economic Transformation Notes

What are Special Economic Zones of China?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: The Development of the Global Economy (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme II Chapter 2: Transformation of East Asian Economies (China, 1978-2000)

Learn more about the Special Economic Zones like Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Xiamen [Video by CGTN].

Vanguards and forerunners: Introducing the SEZs
Between 18 and 22 December 1978, the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party was held. During this session, the Chinese government began its pivotal journey in undergoing ambitious economic reforms to correct the errors of the Maoist economic system.

As part of Deng Xiaoping’s economic reform that began in 1979, the government designated four Special Economic Zones (SEZs): Shenzhen (深圳), Zhuhai (珠海), Shantou (汕头) and Xiamen (厦门).

These SEZs were economically open areas that promoted technology transfer, foreign investment and export activities. China sought to harness its large pool of labour to produce labour-intensive goods for export. By doing so, it can accumulate foreign exchange earnings to meet the demands of its capital-starving economy.

In addition, SEZs were important in accessing foreign technology to stimulate growth. With the influx of foreign direct investment, these SEZs could then utilise foreign technology and production techniques to enhance the processes of domestic enterprises.

The designation of the above-mentioned four SEZs was intentional. Their locations were identified given their proximity to external economies, namely Taiwan, Macau and Hong Kong. There were contemplations of using these SEZs to integrate with these external economies that may eventually lead to ‘political reunification’. Besides, there was limited capital investment, thus the open-door policy could not be implemented nation-wide from the outset.

Case Study: Shenzhen
Among the four SEZs, Shenzhen became the largest and most successful zone (see Table 1.1). Its success could be attributed to its unique geographic location, given that it functioned as a channel between the mainland and Hong Kong. Furthermore, Shenzhen has abundant land resources that gave it much potential for industrial development.

Source: Pioneering Economic Reform in China’s Special Economic Zones: The Promotion of Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer in Shenzhen (Weiping Wu, 1999)

Three major work conferences were held to finetune the development strategies for Shenzhen (1981, 1985 and 1990). For example, the 1990 work conference emphasised the importance of the SEZs as the core of the coastal development strategy as well as the generation of foreign exchange. At that time, the central government directly supervised policymaking and appointments for Shenzhen.

Since the 1990s, Shenzhen’s industrial growth contributed to half of the growth in Gross Domestic Product. In 1994, contribution by the industry was 43 percent compared 11.8 percent in 1979 (see Table 2.2).

Source: Building Engines for Growth and Competitiveness in China: Experience with Special Economic Zones and Industrial Clusters (Directions in Development – Countries and Regions) by Douglas Zhihua Zeng.

In fact, Shenzhen has become one of the political battlefields between the reform and conservative factions in the central government. Its success or failure, at least in the early 1980s, would determine the fate of the reform. The SEZ promoters hoped to use Shenzhen not only to promote foreign investment and technology transfer, but also to learn how to adopt selected features of a market system into the socialist reform. Shenzhen, as well as other SEZs, represented in miniature the very essence of the new reforms.

An excerpt taken from “Pioneering Economic Reform in China’s Special Economic Zones: The Promotion of Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer in Shenzhen” by Weiping Wu.

In 1984, fourteen more coastal cities were designed as SEZs, such as Yantai (烟台), Tianjin (天津) and Shanghai (上海). These SEZs prioritised the promotion of foreign investment.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of China and Japan under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

We have other JC tuition classes, such as JC Math Tuition and JC Chemistry Tuition. For Secondary Tuition, we provide Secondary English Tuition, Secondary Math tuition, Secondary Chemistry Tuition, Social Studies Tuition, Geography, History Tuition and Secondary Economics Tuition. For Primary Tuition, we have Primary English, Math and Science Tuition. Call 9658 5789 to find out more.

JC History Singapore - What is the Four Pests Campaign - China Economic Transformation Notes

What was the Four Pests campaign?

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Topic of Study [For H2 History 9174 Students]: 
Paper 1: The Development of the Global Economy (1945-2000)
Section B: Essay Writing
Theme II Chapter 2: Transformation of East Asian Economies (China, 1978-2000)

Explore the historical significance of the Four Pests Campaign during Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward [Video by CNA Insider]

The second Five Year Plan: Great Leap Forward
In 1958, the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party Mao Zedong (毛澤東) introduced the second Five Year Plan (1958-1962), also known as the Great Leap Forward. The ambitions Mao aspired to transform China from an agrarian society to a modern, industrial society. Mao even believed that China could outproduce Great Britain, the nation that experienced the Industrial Revolution.

Com[rade] Khrushchev told us that the Soviet Union will overtake America in fifteen years. Well, then, I can also say in a preliminary way that in fifteen years we, too, possibly, will overtake England.

[…] And what will China have in fifteen years’ time? China, possibly, will have 40 million tons. Calculate: doesn’t it show that the advantage is on our side? In this case, our camp already has two such countries: the Soviet Union, which will overtake America in fifteen years, and China, which will overtake England in fifteen years.

In the end, what is the bottom line of the speech? We need to have a fifteen year period of peace. Whatever one says, the aim is to use all means to strive for the fifteen year peaceful period. In this case, we’ll really be undefeatable in the whole world, and no one will dare to fight against us.

Excerpt from the unedited translation of Mao Zedong’s Speech at the Moscow Conference of Communist and Workers’ Parties, 18 November 1957.

Accelerated agricultural development and the ‘Four Pests’
Between 1958 and 1960, millions of Chinese citizens moved onto communes. The communes would function in a self-sufficient manner, covering key aspects like industry, agriculture, governance, education and even healthcare. The rural Chinese toiled day and night, in hopes of raising crop yield to impress their leaders.

As the Great Leap Forward was underway, Mao launched the ‘Four Pests’ campaign, also known as the ‘Four Evils’. It was a hygiene campaign to exterminate rats, mosquitoes, flies and sparrows. By doing so, the Chinese leader believed that the grains produced would be kept safe. The extermination of these ‘pests’ was also meant to keep out infectious diseases.

Four Pests Campaign - Poster 2 - JC History Tuition Singapore - China's Economic Transformation Notes
A poster calling for the Chinese youths to kill the sparrows and protect the grains.
https://www.theworldofchinese.com/2017/09/chinas-serial-sparrow-sorrows/
A poster that showed the four specific species targeted during the ‘Four Pests Campaign’, namely mosquitoes, flies, sparrows and rats.

For instance, the Chinese shot the sparrows and destroyed their nests. The farmers were asked to make as much noise as they could so that the sparrows were chased away. In doing so, these birds were forced to take flight for a sustained duration till they died of exhaustion. They also armed themselves with fly swatters, guns and gongs to kill these vermin. By the end of the Campaign, about 1.5 billion rats and 1 billion sparrows were decimated.

In 1958, the Chinese government established a bureau for the extermination of sparrows in Beijing and started a war on sparrows. Sticks, slingshots, and poison cookies were prepared, after which a large parade was held celebrating the extermination of the sparrows. As a result, over two thousand million sparrows were killed. This cull nearly annihilated the total sparrow population.

Did this campaign result in a successful rice harvest? No. As sparrows disappeared, as of 1959, the number of insects in China increased. In 1960, an attack of locusts caused half of the expected rice harvest to disappear.

An excerpt taken from “Platform Strategy: A New Paradigm For A Changing World” by Ki-chan Kim, Chang-seok Song and Il Im.

A disastrous consequence: Collapse of the ecosystem and Widespread Famine
Yet, there were serious repercussions as a result of this Campaign. Given the essential role of the sparrow in feeding on the locusts, the severe decline of the sparrow population allowed the locusts to thrive, devouring fields of grain. In addition to the use of questionable farming techniques, a mass famine hit China. An estimated of 30 million people died during the Great Leap Forward.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of China and Japan under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

We have other JC tuition classes, such as JC Math Tuition and JC Chemistry Tuition. For Secondary Tuition, we provide Secondary English Tuition, Secondary Math tuition, Secondary Chemistry Tuition, Social Studies Tuition, Geography, History Tuition and Secondary Economics Tuition. For Primary Tuition, we have Primary English, Math and Science Tuition. Call 9658 5789 to find out more.