JC History Tuition Singapore - What was the reason for the Sino-Soviet split - Sino-Soviet Relations Notes 2

What was the reason for the Sino-Soviet split?

Examine the causes of the Sino-Soviet split in the 1950s and 1960s [Video by The Cold War].

An ideological split: Khrushchev’s ‘Secret Speech’
The Sino-Soviet split was recognised by historians as one of the most significant events of the Cold War. It meant the ‘shattering of socialist solidarity‘. This ‘Split’ could be traced to the controversial speech made by the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev during the 20th Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) Party Congress on 24-25 February 1956.

Unlike Mao Zedong, who revered the late Stalin (who died three years earlier) as a leading advocate of Communism, Khrushchev denounced Stalinism. He criticised the personality cult, show trials and purges that terrorised the people. As such, Mao perceived Khrushchev’s scathing characterisation of Stalin’s rule as a direct attack on his ideological beliefs.

Some people consider that Stalin was wrong in everything. This is a grave misconception. Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist, yet at the same time a Marxist-Leninist who committed several gross errors without realizing that they were errors. We should view Stalin from a historical standpoint, make a proper and all round analysis to see where he was right and where he was wrong and draw useful lessons therefrom. Both the things he did right and the things he did wrong were phenomena of the international communist movement and bore the imprint of the times.

An excerpt taken from a newspaper article titled ‘Stalin’s Place in History‘ in the People’s Daily editorial, 5 April 1956.

Evidently, Mao’s opposition to the Soviet leader’s denunciation of Stalin was clearly expressed in the above newspaper article published two months after the ‘Secret Speech’.

Nonetheless, Sino-Soviet cooperation still existed at this stage, given that Mao and Stalin signed the Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance in February 1950. Both parties agreed to render military aid should either be attacked. In addition, the Soviet Union sent numerous scientists, students and technicians to work in China, facilitating industrialisation.

Mao’s rejection of Khrushchev’s ‘Peaceful Coexistence’
In the ‘Secret Speech’, Khrushchev also called for a ‘Peaceful Coexistence’ with the West, claiming that the Communist bloc was not ‘destined’ to clash with Capitalism through violent revolution as claimed by Stalin in his ‘Bolshoi speech‘ in February 1946.

While Khrushchev pledged to do all possible to avoid a Third World War, Mao’s camp proclaimed that war with the ‘imperialists’ was inevitable – any other view betrayed the revolution.

Throughout 1958, Mao deliberately manufactured global quarrels in a way that was explicitly designed to challenge ‘peaceful coexistence’ and to style himself the world supremo of revolutionary troublemaking. That year, the Central Committee enshrined Mao’s slogan of ‘continuous revolution’ – a term designed to distinguish Mao’s own tireless revolution from its stalled Soviet counterpart.

An excerpt taken from “Maoism: A Global History” by Julia Lovell.

In the late 1950s, Mao made clear intentions to antaognise both the Soviet Union and the United states.

In July 1958, Khrushchev made a visit to China over Mao’s disagreements over a proposed joint submarine fleet. The ‘petty’ Mao went through great lengths to ensure that his Soviet guest was uncomfortable throughout his visit. For instance, he made Khrushchev stay in a mosquito-infested guest house without air conditioning.

In August 1958, Mao renewed tensions with the West by authorising the bombardment of Jinmen, which was part of the Republic of China (ROC). This gave rise to the second Taiwan Straits Crisis. In retaliation, US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles threatened to deploy nuclear weapons.

Mao had serious doubts about the Soviet Union’s diplomatic line, with its emphasis on relaxing relations with the United States in order to improve the consumer economy and raise the standard of living. […] The Taiwan Strait Crisis of 1958 exemplified the major Sino-Soviet differences in foreign policies, and Khrushchev felt Mao’s divergence was intolerable and he was determined to show Mao who was boss.

An excerpt taken from “Mao and the Sino–Soviet Partnership, 1945–1959: A New History” by Zhihua Shen and Yafeng Xia.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the relationship between Vietnam and the ASEAN countries

What is the relationship between Vietnam and the ASEAN countries?

The Cold War lens: Consequences of the Second Indochina War
During the Vietnam War, the Paris Peace Accords were signed on 27 January 1973, which provided an official basis for the full withdrawal of the American troops from South Vietnam. As part of the 1969 Nixon Doctrine, the reduced commitment of the USA in the Asia-Pacific meant that there was a corresponding decline in its military presence in Thailand and the Philippines.

However, Hanoi held deep suspicions of the US motives of manipulating ASEAN as a Cold War instrument in the region, which conflicted with ASEAN’s neutral position as declared under its 1971 Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN). Even after the Paris Agreement, some ASEAN member nations maintained relations with the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam (PRG), which Hanoi interpreted as a confirmation of its suspicions.

Besides, tensions were high as Thailand turned to China for help with its looming border security threat. In February 1979, Vietnam and China clashed in a short military confrontation, which could be seen as an extension of the Sino-Soviet split.

In Hanoi’s view, ASEAN is both an offshoot and a disguise of the US-led SEATO that serve the US interests and this explained the “insincerity of ASEAN proposal of neutrality”. Thus, in Hanoi’s future relations with ASEAN the opposition aspect would be greater than the cooperation aspect. Moreover, cooperation should serve to drive a wedge among ASEAN member states, that is “to exploit contradictions among those in the opposite side”, which had become one of the guiding principles of the Vietnamese foreign policy with respect to ASEAN.

An excerpt taken from “Flying Blind: Vietnam’s Decision to Join ASEAN” by Nguyen Vu Tung.

After the fall of Saigon, Deputy Foreign Minister Phan Hien raised a ‘four-point position’ in July 1976, which antagonised ASEAN nations. For instance, one of the four points stated “Regional states should develop cooperation among themselves in accordance with the specific conditions of each state and in the interest of genuine independence, peace, and neutrality in Southeast Asia, thus contributing to the cause of world peace.”

At this stage, Vietnam refused to recognise ZOPFAN and join ASEAN.

Mounting Tensions: The Third Indochina War
In December 1978, Vietnamese troops invaded Kampuchea, causing the outbreak of the Third Indochina War that alarmed ASEAN. On 7 January 1979, a pro-Vietnamese government known as the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) was formed. As a result, ASEAN-Vietnam relations soured.

In response to this gross violation of national sovereignty, ASEAN made repeated joint statements to call for the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and the recognition of self-determination. In particular, ASEAN took the lead in calling for the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) that comprised of three anti-Phnom Penh factions in June 1982.

The Vietnam Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) retaliated by declaring ASEAN countries as “hostile to Vietnam” from 1979 onwards.

As far as ASEAN is concerned, Vietnam is pursuing tactics that deliberately evade and obscure the central fact of the issue: Vietnamese armed occupation of Kampuchea. ASEAN rejects that implicit bilateralization of the problem in Vietnam’s effort to define it as a Thai-Kampuchean border dispute. Moreover, ASEAN has been unwilling to see the Vietnamese military presence in Kampuchea be submerged in a diffuse general agenda on problems of peace and stability in Southeast Asia that might include such topics as US basis in the Philippines. […] Furthermore, Vietnamese initiated bilateral official contacts with ASEAN states appear to be manipulated in a manner calculated to crack ASEAN’s external solidarity by driving a political wedge between the members.

An excerpt taken from “Southeast Asia Divided: The Asean-Indochina Crisis” by Donald E. Weatherbee.

A new age: Post-Cold War transition
On 23 October 1991, the Paris Peace Agreements were signed, marking an official end of the Third Indochina War. The late 1980s marked a turning point for ASEAN-Vietnam relations. Vietnam launched its Doi Moi reform policy to undergo political and economic transformation in both domestic and international fronts. In terms of foreign policy, Vietnam sought to strengthen diplomatic relations with ASEAN member nations in spite of its past transgressions.

The period 1992-1995, spanning an interview from the collapse of the Soviet Union and normalization of relations with China through full membership in ASEAN and diplomatic recognition by the United States, was also a time of significant change in elite views of the nature of the international system, and its implications for Vietnam.

[…] The abrupt end of the Cold War and the collapse of Vietnam’s main supporter certainly qualifies as a major “external shock”, and it had been preceded by the economic shock of the 1980s which, by undermining the old ways of conceiving socialism, had cleared the way for new thinking in the external sphere.

An excerpt taken from “Changing Worlds: Vietnam’s Transition from Cold War to Globalization” by David W. P. Elliott.

In 1992, Vietnam joined the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC). On 28 July 1995, Vietnam joined ASEAN as a full member. Subsequently, Vietnam participated in the ASEAN Free Trade (AFTA), facilitating regional economic integration that made ASEAN flourish economically.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - What are Special Economic Zones of China - Economic Transformation Notes

What are Special Economic Zones of China?

Learn more about the Special Economic Zones like Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Xiamen [Video by CGTN].

Vanguards and forerunners: Introducing the SEZs
Between 18 and 22 December 1978, the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party was held. During this session, the Chinese government began its pivotal journey in undergoing ambitious economic reforms to correct the errors of the Maoist economic system.

As part of Deng Xiaoping‘s economic reform that began in 1979, the government designated four Special Economic Zones (SEZs): Shenzhen (深圳), Zhuhai (珠海), Shantou (汕头) and Xiamen (厦门).

These SEZs were economically open areas that promoted technology transfer, foreign investment and export activities. China sought to harness its large pool of labour to produce labour-intensive goods for export. By doing so, it can accumulate foreign exchange earnings to meet the demands of its capital-starving economy.

In addition, SEZs were important in accessing foreign technology to stimulate growth. With the influx of foreign direct investment, these SEZs could then utilise foreign technology and production techniques to enhance the processes of domestic enterprises.

The designation of the above-mentioned four SEZs was intentional. Their locations were identified given their proximity to external economies, namely Taiwan, Macau and Hong Kong. There were contemplations of using these SEZs to integrate with these external economies that may eventually lead to ‘political reunification’. Besides, there was limited capital investment, thus the open-door policy could not be implemented nation-wide from the outset.

Case Study: Shenzhen
Among the four SEZs, Shenzhen became the largest and most successful zone (see Table 1.1). Its success could be attributed to its unique geographic location, given that it functioned as a channel between the mainland and Hong Kong. Furthermore, Shenzhen has abundant land resources that gave it much potential for industrial development.

Source: Pioneering Economic Reform in China’s Special Economic Zones: The Promotion of Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer in Shenzhen (Weiping Wu, 1999)

Three major work conferences were held to finetune the development strategies for Shenzhen (1981, 1985 and 1990). For example, the 1990 work conference emphasised the importance of the SEZs as the core of the coastal development strategy as well as the generation of foreign exchange. At that time, the central government directly supervised policymaking and appointments for Shenzhen.

Since the 1990s, Shenzhen’s industrial growth contributed to half of the growth in Gross Domestic Product. In 1994, contribution by the industry was 43 percent compared 11.8 percent in 1979 (see Table 2.2).

Source: Building Engines for Growth and Competitiveness in China: Experience with Special Economic Zones and Industrial Clusters (Directions in Development – Countries and Regions) by Douglas Zhihua Zeng.

In fact, Shenzhen has become one of the political battlefields between the reform and conservative factions in the central government. Its success or failure, at least in the early 1980s, would determine the fate of the reform. The SEZ promoters hoped to use Shenzhen not only to promote foreign investment and technology transfer, but also to learn how to adopt selected features of a market system into the socialist reform. Shenzhen, as well as other SEZs, represented in miniature the very essence of the new reforms.

An excerpt taken from “Pioneering Economic Reform in China’s Special Economic Zones: The Promotion of Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer in Shenzhen” by Weiping Wu.

In 1984, fourteen more coastal cities were designed as SEZs, such as Yantai (烟台), Tianjin (天津) and Shanghai (上海). These SEZs prioritised the promotion of foreign investment.


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JC History Singapore - What is the Four Pests Campaign - China Economic Transformation Notes

What was the Four Pests campaign?

Explore the historical significance of the Four Pests Campaign during Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward [Video by CNA Insider]

The second Five Year Plan: Great Leap Forward
In 1958, the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party Mao Zedong (毛澤東) introduced the second Five Year Plan (1958-1962), also known as the Great Leap Forward. The ambitions Mao aspired to transform China from an agrarian society to a modern, industrial society. Mao even believed that China could outproduce Great Britain, the nation that experienced the Industrial Revolution.

Com[rade] Khrushchev told us that the Soviet Union will overtake America in fifteen years. Well, then, I can also say in a preliminary way that in fifteen years we, too, possibly, will overtake England.

[…] And what will China have in fifteen years’ time? China, possibly, will have 40 million tons. Calculate: doesn’t it show that the advantage is on our side? In this case, our camp already has two such countries: the Soviet Union, which will overtake America in fifteen years, and China, which will overtake England in fifteen years.

In the end, what is the bottom line of the speech? We need to have a fifteen year period of peace. Whatever one says, the aim is to use all means to strive for the fifteen year peaceful period. In this case, we’ll really be undefeatable in the whole world, and no one will dare to fight against us.

Excerpt from the unedited translation of Mao Zedong’s Speech at the Moscow Conference of Communist and Workers’ Parties, 18 November 1957.

Accelerated agricultural development and the ‘Four Pests’
Between 1958 and 1960, millions of Chinese citizens moved onto communes. The communes would function in a self-sufficient manner, covering key aspects like industry, agriculture, governance, education and even healthcare. The rural Chinese toiled day and night, in hopes of raising crop yield to impress their leaders.

As the Great Leap Forward was underway, Mao launched the ‘Four Pests’ campaign, also known as the ‘Four Evils’. It was a hygiene campaign to exterminate rats, mosquitoes, flies and sparrows. By doing so, the Chinese leader believed that the grains produced would be kept safe. The extermination of these ‘pests’ was also meant to keep out infectious diseases.

Four Pests Campaign - Poster 2 - JC History Tuition Singapore - China's Economic Transformation Notes
A poster calling for the Chinese youths to kill the sparrows and protect the grains.
https://www.theworldofchinese.com/2017/09/chinas-serial-sparrow-sorrows/
A poster that showed the four specific species targeted during the ‘Four Pests Campaign’, namely mosquitoes, flies, sparrows and rats.

For instance, the Chinese shot the sparrows and destroyed their nests. The farmers were asked to make as much noise as they could so that the sparrows were chased away. In doing so, these birds were forced to take flight for a sustained duration till they died of exhaustion. They also armed themselves with fly swatters, guns and gongs to kill these vermin. By the end of the Campaign, about 1.5 billion rats and 1 billion sparrows were decimated.

In 1958, the Chinese government established a bureau for the extermination of sparrows in Beijing and started a war on sparrows. Sticks, slingshots, and poison cookies were prepared, after which a large parade was held celebrating the extermination of the sparrows. As a result, over two thousand million sparrows were killed. This cull nearly annihilated the total sparrow population.

Did this campaign result in a successful rice harvest? No. As sparrows disappeared, as of 1959, the number of insects in China increased. In 1960, an attack of locusts caused half of the expected rice harvest to disappear.

An excerpt taken from “Platform Strategy: A New Paradigm For A Changing World” by Ki-chan Kim, Chang-seok Song and Il Im.

A disastrous consequence: Collapse of the ecosystem and Widespread Famine
Yet, there were serious repercussions as a result of this Campaign. Given the essential role of the sparrow in feeding on the locusts, the severe decline of the sparrow population allowed the locusts to thrive, devouring fields of grain. In addition to the use of questionable farming techniques, a mass famine hit China. An estimated of 30 million people died during the Great Leap Forward.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of China and Japan under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What was the Income Doubling Plan in Japan 1960 - Japan Notes

What was the Income Doubling Plan in Japan?

Learn more about the economic transformation of Japan after the end of World War Two [Video by International Economics]

A political crisis: The Anpo protests
After Japan restored industrial production to pre-war levels in the 1950s, the Japanese government made thorough plans to embark on trade liberalisation. The leaders knew that reintegrating Japan into the world economy was next step forward.

However, the government was beset by socio-political unrest, particularly the Anpo protests (安保闘争) in 1959-1960. These protests were staged in opposition to the revised United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1952. This Treaty allowed the Americans to maintain military bases in Japan that allowed them to defend the nation in the event of an attack.

Although the protests had failed to prevent the Treaty from being revised, the Cabinet under Nobusuke Kishi (岸 信介) resigned on 15 July 1960. Even President Eisenhower’s planned visit to Japan was cancelled. The protests had far-reaching implications on Japan’s political landscape.

The protests were so extensive, and the issues at stake so deeply felt because actors on all sides – the U.S. government, Japanese conservatives and government leaders, and the expansive antitreaty movement – elevated the new security treaty as the key to enshrining or resisting visions of a Cold War democracy in Japan. Anpo became the ultimate clash between competing visions of Japanese democracy, which seemed irreconcilable.

An excerpt taken from “Cold War Democracy: The United States and Japan” by Jennifer M. Miller.

Economic renewal: Enter Ikeda
Kishi was succeeded by Hayato Ikeda (池田 勇人). As Prime Minister, Ikeda assumed a more conciliatory stance towards the political opposition, placing more focus on advancing the Japanese economy instead. On 27 December 1960, the Ikeda Cabinet reached a decision to launch the ‘Income Doubling Plan‘.

The Plan aimed to double the national income of Japan in ten years. To do so, several targets had to be reached. For instance, Japan had to reach 26 trillion yen in Gross National Product (GNP) [at the fiscal year 1958 price] within the next ten years. Also, Ikeda sought to attain full employment and raise the living standards of the Japanese population.

In summary, the ‘Income Doubling Plan’ was a long-term economic development plan to coordinate and systematise policies to facilitate industrial rationalisation, so as to achieve rapid economic growth.

The [Income Doubling Plan] was designed explicitly to quiet political protest after mass demonstrations against the government’s foreign policy. The Income Doubling Plan reaffirmed government responsibility for social welfare, vocational training, and education and increased spending considerably in these areas. It sought to eliminate low-wage jobs and regional income disparities. Yet the plan’s greatest innovation was to redefine growth and to include Japanese consumers as well as producers.

An excerpt taken from “Postwar Japan as History” by Andrew Gordon.

A force to be reckoned with: Japan as an economic powerhouse
True enough, the Ikeda Cabinet’s ambitions were realised. In the 1960s, Japan’s GNP grew at an annual rate of 10.6 percent in real terms. Evidently, Japan had surpassed the United States, which grew at an annual rate of 4.1 percent. In 1970, 30 percent of Japan’s GNP was attributed to the manufacturing sector, which was largely driven by the rise of the heavy and chemical industries. By the late 1960s, Japan became the world’s second largest economy, outpacing West Germany.

From being about a third of the American economy, measured in terms of GDP, in 1973 (and just over a tenth in 1950), the Japanese economy had become 40 percent as large by 1989. Japan first emerged as an industrial giant, with particular strength in electronic products, cameras, motorcycles and later motor cars, iron and steel, and shipbuilding; and a huge surplus in its manufactured goods trade balance, overtaking West Germany in the 1970s. The rise of Japan as a financial power, and of Tokyo as an international financial centre, was thus above all due to Japan’s rise to the rank of economic superpower.

An excerpt taken from “Crises and Opportunities: The Shaping of Modern Finance” by Youssef Cassis.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of Japan and China under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is Operation Gibraltar - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is Operation Gibraltar?

Prelude: Operation Desert Hawk
Between April and June 1965, the Pakistan Army executed Operation Desert Hawk in the Rann of Kutch, which was a large area of salt marshes between India and Pakistan. Two infantry brigades backed by Patton tanks attacked the Indian Border Police, capturing Indian posts before a ceasefire took effect on 1 July 1965.

General Muhammad Ayub Khan hailed the mission as a military victory for Pakistan. As such, Khan made plans to carry out an infiltration of the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).

The first phase, Operation Desert Hawk, to be launched in early 1965, was a probing encounter to claim territory in the Rann of Kutch, where the boundary had not yet been demarcated. This operation was meant to serve several purposes. First to assess India’s responses. Next to draw India’s military forces southwards of Kutch, away from the Punjab. Thirdly to give Pakistani military forces a dress rehearsal for a full scale invasion of India later in the year, initially in Kashmir and thereafter in Punjab. Fourthly to test how far America was serious in enforcing its ban on the use of American supplied Patton tanks and other military equipment for an attack on India.

An excerpt taken from “Transition to Triumph: Indian Navy 1965-1975” by Vice Adm G. M. Hiranandani.

A covert military operation: The Gibraltar Force
In early August 1965, Pakistan launched a clandestine operation to incite local uprisings among the Kashmiri Muslims in Azad Kashmir (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, POK) to weaken Indian authority in J&K. The operation was meant to back the Kashmiris’ right to self-determination, in hopes of joining Pakistan instead.

The operation was named after the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in the early 700s. A battalion size force of about 8,000 was tasked to carry out the infiltration. It comprised of Kashmiri volunteers trained by the Pakistan Army as well as personnel from the Army itself.

The ‘Gibraltar Force’, about 8,000 in number, comprised officers and other ranks of the Pakistan occupied Kashmir Battalions – Razakars and Mujahids. They were given intensive training in guerilla warfare schools for six weeks in laying of ambushes, demolition of bridges and disruption of lines of communication, raids on supply dumps and unit headquarters, and armed and unarmed combat.

An excerpt taken from “MAJOR DEFENCE OPERATIONS: A Glimpse into India’s Major Military Endeavors” by GP CAPT Ranbir Singh.

Defeat awaits: The Battle of Haji Pir Pass
Yet, Operation Gibraltar ended in failure. Instead, it provoked the Indian forces to retaliate. Between 26 and 28 August, a military confrontation between India and Pakistan occurred, resulting in the former’s successful capture of the entire Haji Pir Pass in POK. The capture proved to be a fatal loss to the Pakistani forces, given that the Haji Pir Pass was a key logistic base.

Operation Gibraltar proved to be too ambitious and was found to be beyond the means of Pakistan. Contrary to Pakistani expectations, the local population of Jammu and Kashmir, by and large, neither co-operated with the infiltrators nor rose in revolt against India. By 18th August 1965, Operation Gibraltar lots its momentum.

An excerpt taken from “Vision, Courage and Service: Life and Times of General T.N. Raina, MVC” by Brigadier Satish K. Issar.

The failed operation marked a collapse of the 1949 Karachi Agreement, setting the stage for the second Indo-Pakistani War in 1965.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the steel trigger price mechanism - Global Economy Notes

What is the steel trigger price mechanism?

Learn more about the steel industry in the United States [Video by Wall Street Education].

Historical background
By the late 1970s, the share of imports for steel in the United States (US) market rose to 18 percent. This was substantially higher than the 2 percent in the late 1950s. In response, there was mounting pressure on the White House for protectionist responses.

Led by US President Jimmy Carter, the US government launched a programme to advance the domestic steel industry. At the core of this programme was the ‘Trigger Price Mechanism’ (TPM). This mechanism was targeted at the prevention of ‘unfair’ price competition from imports.

How does the Trigger Price Mechanism work?
Given that Japan was being identified as the lowest cost producer of steel in the world, its production costs would be publicly declared as ‘Trigger Prices’. Should the price of an import shipment be below the ‘trigger price’, the US government was authorised to intervene and act against the foreign supplier on the grounds of suspected dumping practices (i.e. export priced below the market price of an importing country).

Notably, the TPM functioned well in industries that were guided by price leadership. Once a market leader sets its ‘leading price’, other competitors would follow voluntarily. In 1920, the Supreme Court made a decision in the United States Steel Corporation case, declaring price leadership as an acceptable practice under the US anti-trust law. In other words, if the White House declares the ‘fair prices’ to all producers, these prices will be observed. By doing so, price competition can then be minimised.

The TPM was in effect from 1978 to 1982.

With the recession of 1980, prices of imported steel fell by less than 1 percent, and the price of domestic steel declined by 5.5 percent. In the first quarter of 1980, U.S. Steel filed dumping complaints against five European producers. By basing the trigger prices on Japanese costs, the program gave the higher-cost European producers a license to dump. […]

Nevertheless, the real price of imported steel continued to decline, producing another round of complaints from the steel industry in 1982. In addition to allegations of dumping, the steel companies maintained that foreign steel companies were being subsidized by their governments and that countervailing duties should be imposed. This charge led to the permanent suspension of the trigger price mechanism.

An excerpt taken from “Has trade protection revitalized domestic industries?” by Daniel P. Kaplan.

Did the Trigger Price Mechanism benefit the US steel industry? Assessing its impacts on the world economy.
The TPM functioned as a form of trade protection to enhance the efficiency of the domestic steel industry. Since 1960, the steel industry has not been as profitable as manufacturing, on average. With rising debts and low profitability, the domestic steel producers struggled to accumulate finances. Even with the use of the TPM, the profits generated were inadequate.

In summary, efforts to modernise the steel industry under the Carter administration were disappointing. By 1984, employment in the steel industry fell by nearly fifty percent compared to 1968. Instead, the TPM contributed to an increase in the world price of steel, indicating an adverse impact on the global economy.

The trigger price mechanism has, however, altered the geographic pattern of imports, cutting into the Japanese share of the U.S. market to the advantage not only of European producers, which was part of the original intent, but of such fast-growing newcomers as Brazil, Korea, and Taiwan.

The most striking impact, however, of a trigger price mechanism based on Japanese costs, given the rapid appreciation of the yen, has been to raise prices. Trigger price levels rose by more than 10 percent in 1978, almost entirely as a result of the yen’s appreciation, and were scheduled to rise by another 7 percent on January 1, 1979. […] In the words of the EEC’s steel producers’ group, Eurofer, the trigger price mechanism “has raised steel prices all around the world.”

An excerpt taken from “The International Environment: Readings” by Eston T. White and Walter R. Milliken.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - How did Pakistan came into existence - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

How did Pakistan came into existence?

Examine the historical significance of the India-Pakistan partition in 1947 [Video by TRT World].

Quaid-e-Azam: Enter Muhammad Ali Jinnah
In 1876, Mahomedali Jinnahbhai (Jinnah) was born in Karachi. Seven years later, the eldest son of a merchant moved to London to study law at the Lincoln’s Inn. In the process, Jinnah learnt more about nationalist politics.

Jinnah then returned home and joined two organisations – the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. He urged both groups to seek cooperation in order to achieve self-government. As a result, the Lucknow Pact was created in December 1916. The Pact presented a set of demands to the British, such as greater representation to the religious minorities in the provincial legislatures.

The [Lucknow] pact, according to Lal Bahadur, “proved the British allegation of sharp division between the Hindus and the Muslims and justified, for all intents and purposes, all earlier propaganda of the latter regarding the exercise of the so called high handedness by the former… The ought to have understood that this concession to the Muslims separationists would tear the nation forever into two sharply divided communities“.

An excerpt taken from “Muslim Separatism and the Partition of India” by Debadutta Chakravarty.

However, the rise of Mahatma Gandhi gradually overshadowed Jinnah’s prominence in Indian politics by the 1920s. Over time, a political rivalry between the two political figures surfaced. Gandhi led the Indian National Congress, whereas Jinnah helmed the Muslim League.

A nation for the Muslims in India: The Lahore Resolution
Jinnah stressed that the Muslim League represented the Muslim population in India. He asserted that the Muslim interests were not adequately protected in spite of the 1937 elections. More importantly, Jinnah claimed that a Hindu-dominated India would be problematic since the Muslims should also play an equally important role in the politics of an independent nation.

Jinnah asserted in 1940 that the Indian Muslims were not a minority but a nation, thus entitled to the principle of self-determination. Under the ‘Two-Nation Theory‘, the Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations. The Muslims should have their own separate homeland in which Islam is the dominant religion, which differed from the Hindus.

On 23 March 1940, the Lahore Resolution was made by the Muslim League, calling for the autonomy of territories in the northwestern and eastern parts of British India. Notably, 23 March is the National Day of Pakistan.

Ironically, inasmuch as it had outlined a separate Muslim homeland, the reference point for this parallel federalist thinking was the 1940 Lahore Resolution, which was passed by the All India Muslim League and canonized as the raison d’etre for Pakistan after partition. […] The Lahore Resolution raised more questions than answers. Would there be one or more groupings? What was the meaning of independent sovereign units? How many states were visualized for Muslims?

An excerpt taken from “Unstable Constitutionalism Law and Politics in South Asia” by Mark Tushnet and Madhav Khosla.

Choudhry Rahmat Ali came up with a name for an autonomous Muslim state in northwestern India: Pakistan. It was an acronym composed of the first letters of Panjab, Afghan Province, Kashmir and Sindh and the last syllable of Baluchistan. Although Jinnah initially objected to Rahmat Ali’s proposition, the former eventually accepted the creation of a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan on 14 August 1947.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is Article 370 - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is Article 370?

Learn more about the historical background of Article 370 to understand the impacts when the Indian government revoked it [Video by DW News].

Historical context
After the end of the Second World War, Third World nations went through decolonisation. In 1947, the British Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act, fulfilling the aspirations of the people in India.

On 15 August 1947, it was declared that India was to be partitioned to form two independent dominions – India and Pakistan. This Partition was attributed to multiple factors, including Lord Louis Mountbatten’s hastily conceived strategies to withdraw the British.

The division of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan was triggered by a combination of factors in the metropole and the colony: In addition to the shifting colonial position on retaining India as a colony, the demand for Partition was articulated within the context of a colonial state’s framing of provincial politics and intra-elite factional conflicts within India that had already prepared the ground for irreconcilable differences. The two-nation theory, driven more by politics than religion, grew in momentum from the fears stoked by democratization in the 1930s, the Indian National Congress’s anti-war stance, the growing empowerment of the Muslims League, and the British announcement to quit India.

An excerpt taken from “The Performance of Nationalism India, Pakistan, and the Memory of Partition” by Jisha Menon.

Incorporation of Article 370 & Article 35A: Special Status of Jammu and Kashmir
Through the Instrument of Accession to India, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) joined India in October 1947 after much contemplation whether to accede to India or Pakistan.

At first, the Princely States of India were permitted to have a separate constitution. However, in 1949, they agreed to accept the Indian Constitution for their own states. In contrast, J&K opposed this move. Then, Maharaja Hari Singh’s successor, Sheikh Abdullah, forged a new political relationship with India, leading to the attainment of special rights for J&K. This was known as Article 370.

On 17 October 1949, the Indian government introduced Article 370 as part of the Indian Constitution, granting J&K autonomy of internal administration. In other words, J&K was permitted to pass its own laws in all matters, excluding finance, foreign affairs, communications and defense.

In 1952, Abdullah and Nehru forged a 1952 Delhi Agreement, which led to the introduction of Article 35A in 1954. Article 35A functions as a provision for the special treatment of ‘permanent residents’ of J&K, such as employment, property ownership and settlement.

Article 370 was incorporated in the Constitution of India with particular reference to Jammu and Kashmir. No other Princely State that acceded to India in 1947 by executing the same standard instrument of accession was referred to in this way in the Constitution of India that came into force on 26th January, 1950. […] Yes, may be there are still some in J&K, who have grievance against Nehru or Congress for putting the people of J&K in illusions or still keeping J&K like a Colony, earlier it was of the British and now it is of India under Article 370 some may allege.

An excerpt taken from “Jammu & Kashmir- A Victim: Understanding the Complexities of the Conflict in Kashmir” by Daya Sagar.

Recent developments: Revocation of Article 370
In August 2019, the Modi government revoked Article 370, marking an end to the special status of J&K. Modi asserted that the revocation was necessary to place J&K on the same footing as the rest of India, aligning with his political party’s election manifesto.

The shocking announcement raised concerns of demographic changes within J&K, as non-Kashmiris would be allowed to purchase land in the Muslim-majority region.

Despite the provisions included in Article 370, there have been several presidential orders over the years that India has used to increase its reach and control in the state. Nonetheless, Article 370 was symbolically important for many living in Jammu and Kashmir. The state having its own constitution and flag allowed the people to hold on to a unique cultural and linguistic identity. Consequently, the revocation of Article 370 was perceived by many Kashmiris as an assault on their national identity.

An excerpt taken from “Abrogation of Article 370: An Analysis of the Supreme Court Verdict” by Imran Ahmed and Muhammad Saad Ul Haque.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Indo-Pakistani conflict under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

We have other JC tuition classes, such as JC Math Tuition and JC Chemistry Tuition. For Secondary Tuition, we provide Secondary English Tuition, Secondary Math tuition, Secondary Chemistry Tuition, Social Studies Tuition, Geography, History Tuition and Secondary Economics Tuition. For Primary Tuition, we have Primary English, Math and Science Tuition. Call 9658 5789 to find out more.

JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the Instrument of Accession - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is the Instrument of Accession?

Historical context: India divided and the British departure
In 1946, Britain declared that it would grant India independence. The Governor-General Lord Louis Mountbatten declared that this important phase would commence on 15 August 1947. However, views on the ground were divided on the matter.

Leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, called for a single federal dominion of independent India. They believed that a united India was vital to bring people from all faiths together.

In contrast, the Muslim League leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah insisted that the Partition was necessary to form an independent Pakistan that governs the Muslims rather than to remain subordinate to the Hindu majority of India.

As such, the British civil servant Sir Cyril Radcliffe was tasked by Mountbatten to draw up the borders between India and Pakistan.

An illustration of the Partition of India [Sources: Nigel Dalziel, The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire, Penguin Books, 2006; George s Duby, Atlas historique mondial, Larousse, 2003].

In less than ten weeks, a British layers, Cyril Radcliffe, who had never set foot on Indian soil, presided over the partition of British India’s two largest multicultural provinces, Punjab and Bengal.

After first rushing Radcliffe to finish drawing the new maps in desperate haste, Mountbatten embargoed them as soon as Radcliffe finished, refusing to allow even his own British governors of Punjab and Bengal to see where the new lines would be drawn, such that no troops could be stationed at key danger points along these incendiary provincial borders, no warnings could be posted for desperate people who, overnight, found themselves living in ‘enemy’ countries rather than among relatives and friends.

An excerpt taken from “India and Pakistan: Continued Conflict or Cooperation?” by Stanley Wolpert.

As a result of the Partition, many Hindus and Muslims were subjected to violent attacks from opposing sides. An estimated of up to 20 million people were displaced as a result of the Partition.

Enter Maharaja Hari Singh: Jammu and Kashmir
On 26 October 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh, then ruler of the State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), signed the Instrument of Accession (IoA) with India. Initially, Hari Singh wanted Kashmir to remain independent, but changed his mind when attacked by tribesmen from Pakistan during the Poonch uprising.

J&K was founded by Maharaja Gulab Singh in 1846. It was strategically located within the border provinces of Gilgit-Baltistan and Ladakh, thus explaining it being a hotly contested territory.

The circumstances, as they developed owing to the raids of tribesmen, were such that immediate action was uncalled for. The invasion of tribesmen was possible only because of Pakistani support. Mahajan commented: “The tribesmen were subjects of Pakistan. This was an unprovoked act of aggression. The Maharaja had done nothing to invite it. […] Unless accession took place and supported by the National Conference, Nehru was unwilling to send Indian army.

An excerpt from “Jammu and Kashmir: The Cold War and The West” by D. N. Panigrahi.

On that same day, Mountbatten accepted the accession of J&K.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Indo-Pakistani conflict under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

We have other JC tuition classes, such as JC Math Tuition and JC Chemistry Tuition. For Secondary Tuition, we provide Secondary English Tuition, Secondary Math tuition, Secondary Chemistry Tuition, Social Studies Tuition, Geography, History Tuition and Secondary Economics Tuition. For Primary Tuition, we have Primary English, Math and Science Tuition. Call 9658 5789 to find out more.